Job Market: From Strength to Strength

Brian S. Wesbury – Chief Economist

Robert Stein, CFA – Dep. Chief Economist

Strider Elass – Senior Economist

The US labor market is going from strength to strength. Like with corporate earnings, June jobs data beat consensus estimates - up 213,000 - pushing the average monthly gain for the past year to 198,000 per month.
Meanwhile the unemployment rate jumped from 3.8% to 4.0%. Why? Because the civilian labor force grew by 601,000. We hate blowing one month’s data point out of proportion, but there is enough concurrent evidence out there to conclude that this gain in the labor force is a bullish sign for the economy. It signals that fewer people are counting on the government for support.


There are two ways to shrink the welfare state. One way is to directly cut welfare benefits. That’s a structural change that encourages work no matter where the economy is in the business cycle. The other method is indirect: adopt policies that help the economy grow faster and let private sector opportunity pull people out of the government’s welfare system and back into the labor market. Right now, that second method is taking hold.


The number of people getting Food Stamps (SNAP benefits, which stands for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program) fell to 39.6 million in April, down 4.7% from a year ago and the lowest level since about 2010. This isn’t because it’s harder to get food stamps, it’s because the rewards for work are rising.


In the second quarter of 2018, applications for Social Security disability benefits (SSDI) were down 2.3% from the same period a year ago. That’s on top of a 6% decline for full-year 2017 from 2016. And last year also saw 1.3% fewer workers collecting disability benefits than in 2016, the biggest annual decline since 1983. This year, that number has continued to decline. In other words, the job market is plenty strong enough to pull workers back into the private sector.


Although average hourly earnings are up a respectable, but not stellar, 2.7% from a year ago, hundreds of companies are paying “one-time” bonuses to their workers, either based on tax reform or as a way for companies to attract workers without raising their long-term costs, particularly in the trucking sector. These bonuses are helping push down both the median duration of unemployment, and already low unemployment rates across education levels, sexes and races.


While unemployment rates by racial/ethnic categories are volatile from month-to-month (and why we prefer to focus on the trend), the black unemployment rate increased from a near record low in June, but the Hispanic jobless rate fell to 4.6%, the lowest for any month since the government started tracking the data in the early 1970s. And for the past 12 months, the average unemployment rate for both blacks and Hispanics fell to the lowest levels ever recorded, dating back to the early 1970s.


None of this means the labor market is perfect. It never is. Back in the late 1990s, the participation rate among prime-age workers (age 25-54) reached a peak of 84.6%. Right now, their participation rate is 82%. But this is a double-edged sword…where some see imperfection, others see room for further growth. Where some see a labor market that can’t get any better, others see opportunity.


We fall in the second camp. Extremely low unemployment rates and rising earnings mean that private sector employment is becoming increasingly more attractive than static government programs. And with more workers moving into the private sector, it’s not hard to see better times for workers ahead. The tax cut happened just over six months ago. Deregulation is encouraging more business investment. Corporate earnings continue to exceed expectations. The job market looks set for even more strength.

Morning Tack: "12:01"

Jeffrey D. Saut, Chief Investment Strategist

With the first tranche of U.S. trade tariffs now in effect we were intrigued by this most interesting white paper from Andy Rothman, investment strategist for Matthews Asia (read it here: Trade).  One of the paragraphs read: 


The Chinese economy is no longer export-driven.  Net exports (the value of a country's exports minus the value of its imports) account for only 2% of China's GDP, down from a peak of 9% in 2007.  In contrast, domestic consumption now accounts for the majority of China's economic growth and more than half of its GDP.  2017 was the sixth consecutive year in which the consumption and services share of China's GDP was larger than the manufacturing and construction share.  Because Trump would be fighting a trade war without the support of America's allies, the impact on China's exports would be relatively small. Last year, Chinese exports to the U.S. accounted for only 19% of total Chinese exports.

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No More Kid Gloves

     What do the internet and China have in common?  For better or for worse, policymakers are no longer treating them with kid gloves.  This past week, the Supreme Court reversed a decision made before the dawn of the internet that prevented states from taxing sales to their residents unless the business had a “physical presence” in the state.  Now, each state gets to decide whether those sales get taxed.

      Some internet retailers took advantage of the old limits on sales taxes to grow huge.  In a way, perhaps the limits on sales taxes were one way of helping an “infant industry” get off the ground.  But that industry is no longer an infant.  Right or wrong, the new rules will re-shuffle the deck on retail sales models.  Small “brick-and mortar” businesses that sell goods in their own state will benefit, while those that sell much of their product out-of-state will suffer from the costs of keeping track of tax rates across the country.

     In a similar way, we are also seeing the end of “kid glove” treatment with China.  As China developed, the US looked the other way as it pirated intellectual property, subsidized its own export-focused industries, and maintained higher tariffs than the US.  America even led the charge for China to get into the World Trade Organization.

      Until recently, Chinese tariffs on global imports averaged about 9.9%, according to the WTO, while the US average is 3.5%.  US tariffs affected only about two-fifths of US imports from China, and those averaged about 6.5%, while China imposed higher tariffs on items imported from the US. In the past year, the US has imported about $540 billion in goods and services from China while China imported just $192 billion in goods and services from the US.

     The Trump Administration is signaling an end to the “infant industry” treatment and has proposed tariffs of 25% on $50 billion in imports from China, in addition to recent tariffs on steel and aluminum.  The Chinese have retaliated in kind.  Now, the Administration is considering an expansion of the tariffs and stricter limits on China’s ability to invest in US companies.  One key (and justifiable) concern is that China has used various methods to steal hundreds of billions worth of trade secrets and intellectual property, via espionage, counterfeiting, forced disclosures for market entry, and reverse engineering of products, to name just a few.

     One gets the sense the Administration is thinking that, at some point, China can’t retaliate because it’ll run out of items to tariff well before the US does.  That’s the downside of China’s massive trade surplus. 

     One thing to keep in mind is that an extra 25% tariff on all imports from China would cost consumers $135 billion, assuming no change in behavior.  That’s 0.7% of GDP.  Not a trivial sum – and not good for the US economy - but unlikely, on its own, to cause a recession.  Of greater concern is that a true trade war could harm the global supply chain and disrupt the efficient allocation of corporate capital around the world.  This could put some companies that depend on Chinese affiliation in financial danger, possibly enough to strain the financial institutions that support them.

      Some worry that fewer Chinese exports to America would reduce dollar flows to China, reducing their ability to buy bonds, or force a large reduction in China’s $1.2 trillion of Treasury holdings.  But China has increased its stock of Treasuries by about $90 billion in the past year, and bond yields have fallen recently as trade tensions have grown.  The bond market doesn’t seem worried.

      We’d much rather live in a world where China already had lower tariffs on the US, similar to our historical tariffs on China (before the current spat).  And please know we are against higher tariffs on principle. Unfortunately, other strategies haven’t worked, and now the kid gloves are off.  Let’s give it a little while and see if it works. 

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"The Big Chill Stall"

Jeffrey D. Saut, Chief Investment Strategist, (727) 567-2644, Jeffrey.Saut@RaymondJames.com June 12, 2018 Investment Strategy

It was last week when we wrote that the equity markets were likely to “stall” into the first part of this week due to the short-term lack of internal energy.  So it was written and so it has happened, as stocks have “stalled” since last Thursday.  However, the “stall” should end shortly, leading to new all-time highs in the weeks ahead.  Quite frankly, we did not think there would be anyone more bullish than Leon Tuey and me, but I was wrong, for one Geneva-based portfolio manager emailed us this yesterday, from a strategist at Zacks:

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An Open Letter to Arthur Brooks

5/31/2018

Arthur, I heard you’re retiring from AEI after a spectacular run.  Congratulations and best wishes in your future endeavors.  However, in reading an “exit interview” with you, by Tim Alberta of Politico, I stumbled across what I believe to be a very important and dangerous blind spot in your thinking.


With some trepidation, because the interview with Mr. Alberta was relatively short, I would like to summarize your arguments.  The title of the piece was “Americans are Being Held Hostage and Terrorized by the Fringes.”


• You call competition a “moral good” and bemoan a “culture that’s not trying to win [political] competition vigorously and civilly and respectfully, but rather trying to shut down competition…”.  I happen to agree with you on this.  Discourse has become uncivil. 


• You call this “stupid.”  I agree, again, and you add, “It leads to a flaccid set of political parties…you don’t solve problems…you simply build up power structures.  So all politics becomes a rent-seeking mechanism: my tribe, your tribe.” 


• You blame this on the financial crisis of 2008 and cite Reinhart and Rogoff’s book, This Time Is Different, and three German economists who, in early 2017, published a piece in The European Economic Review.  Reinhart and Rogoff argue that economic recoveries in the decade after financial crises are slow.  The German economists argue that these slow or lumpy recoveries have knock-on political effects. 


• You say, “…in the decade after a financial crisis, the knock-on effect over 10 years is not low growth, it’s uneven growth.  The big thing that happens for 10 years is that you have asymmetric economic growth where 80 percent of the income distribution gets none of the rewards of the growth after the recession.”    This creates populism – where people blame “immigrants,” “trading partners,” or “bankers.”   


• You then blame the rise of Trump, on an “unwillingness or inability of mainstream Republicanism to deal with a lot of misery that was going on.  To talk openly about the despair…there’s been a 323 percent increase in drug overdose deaths for men my age…” 


• You say Congress isn’t detached, but, “they don’t know what to do, so they didn’t do anything.”  You then say, “nobody has ever figured out this first decade problem.  Ever… Politicians say, ‘We can solve this; vote for me and I’ll solve it.’  [But] They can’t solve it…they get blamed.” “Nobody knows what to do except wait it out.”  You claim even Milton Friedman in the White House couldn’t have made a V-shaped recovery. 


• You complain of a deficit of happiness, “When people feel like ‘Sh*t, I can’t get ahead,’ that’s when people feel a lot less happy.” “The best single way to get rid of all this unpleasantness right now is economic growth that’s evenly spread throughout the population.”


That’s a pretty straight forward argument.  If you believe financial crises cause lumpy and uneven distribution of growth, if you think Reinhart and Rogoff understand how economies respond to financial crises more fully than Milton Friedman, no wonder you despair.  But this is where you make your fundamental mistake – buying into the Conventional Wisdom narrative about the Panic of 2008.


Like Paul Gigot, Editor of The Wall Street Journal, and Speaker Paul Ryan, I think you have a fatally flawed understanding of the financial crisis of 2008 – what actually caused it, why TARP was such a huge mistake, and how big government growth after the crisis is the real cause of slow growth, despair and political turmoil.  I know you did not specifically mention TARP, but by citing Reinhart and Rogoff you seem to agree that capitalism itself is flawed and government must fix it.


I vigorously disagree with this logic.  I agree with your co-worker at AEI, Peter Wallison, whose book, Hidden In Plain Sight, proves that the government itself created the subprime crisis.  I also believe that the government’s reaction to the crisis, specifically a $3.5 trillion program of quantitative easing by the Federal Reserve and a $700 billion taxpayer funded bailout, not only did not work, but undermined America’s faith in free markets and capitalism.


President Bush said after passing TARP, “I’ve abandoned free market principles to save the free market system.”  This statement obviously makes no sense.  If you believe in free markets, just like if you believe in the Ten Commandments, violating them in order to save them is nonsense.  You either believe in free markets, or you don’t; you either believe in the Ten Commandments, or you don’t.  This is not me becoming an “armchair general” after the war, with perfect 20/20 hindsight.  A crisis is when a belief system is tested.  The Republican leadership in 2008 failed that test.


Compare this to the 1980s.  The financial crisis of the early 1980s was bigger, in dollar terms, than the financial crisis of 2008.  In 1980, the entire Saving & Loan Industry had negative net capital.  On a mark-to-market basis, almost every money center bank was bankrupt due the default of Latin and South American debt.  Oil prices collapsed, taking Penn Square, Continental, and other banks down.  Over-leveraged, agricultural banks failed as farmland and crop prices plummeted.  Yet, the U.S. experienced robust economic growth in the 1980s.  There was no decade of lumpy growth.


The reason is simple, Ronald Reagan cut tax rates and regulation, while holding back non-defense government spending.  The Fed tightened monetary policy.  In other words, the U.S. followed the prescriptions of Milton Friedman and we did get a V-shaped recovery.  Yet, Reinhart and Rogoff ignore the 1980s financial crisis, and Kenneth Rogoff said they did so because economic growth didn’t suffer in the 1980s.  He ignored that financial crisis because it provided evidence counter to his theory.  Not very intellectually honest if you ask me.


Slow growth in the past decade is because government ignored the Reagan-Friedman-Hayek lessons – in fact they did the exact opposite.  During the Panic of 2008, government did TARP, QE, tax hikes, massive new regulation, more spending and new entitlement programs.  That’s why the economy is hurting and there is despair in the land.


I believe TARP was the greatest violation of Republican economic principles since Herbert Hoover put tax hikes, SmootHawley tariffs and new spending and regulation in place during the 1930s.  Those policies did nothing but deepen the Great Depression.  In 2008 and early 2009, the S&P 500 fell an additional 40% after TARP was passed.  TARP did not work.  In addition, it was a direct bail out of banks, not mortgage holders.  With Republicans in charge (Bush, Paulson, Bernanke), the GOP violated free market principles and bailed out the rich bankers on Wall Street.


In other words, even the GOP didn’t have faith in capitalism.  By passing TARP they professed faith in government.  Once faith in capitalism is undermined, especially by Republicans who have been the historical defenders of capitalism and free markets, it creates the very thing you complain about.  If Republican leaders lose faith in free markets, no wonder the public does, too.  There is no more competition of ideas.  Both sides believe in government.


Then people work overtime to build up “power structures,” and “politics becomes a rent-seeking mechanism.”  When you compete on these grounds, it becomes a battle of “fringe politics.”  If one union in Greece gets a 31-hour workweek, all unions want one.  If banks get bailed out, why not homeowners, or students with loans?  If we can’t trust banks, how can we trust insurance companies, so why not socialize healthcare?  The commanding heights of power moves from markets to government – no wonder the DC area is booming, while despair spreads in the hinterlands.


Not only did Republicans sell out free markets, they paved the way for massive government growth.  I understand the difficulties in comparing the two, but isn’t opioid addiction (which you use as evidence of economic despair) similar to the excessive drinking of vodka in Russia?  Despair is caused by big government, which undermines the vibrancy of free markets and destroys the more even distribution of economic opportunity that you yearn for.


The way to fix the U.S. economy, the best way to create “evenly spread” economic growth and end despair is for government to get out of the way.  It takes faith in markets and people, not government. 


There are always problems, but when central authorities try to fix those problems, they often make them worse.  You are enough of a historian to understand that.  Allowing Reinhart and Rogoff to lead you this far down the wrong path creates despair in my heart.


I’d be happy to sit down with you and discuss these issues in greater detail.  If you don’t have time, or an inclination to do that, please read my 2009 book (which I wrote at the depths of the crisis), It’s Not as Bad as You Think.

630.517.7756  •  http://www.ftportfolios.comThis report was prepared by First Trust Advisors L. P., and reflects the current opinion of the authors.  It is based upon sources and data believed to be accurate and reliable.  Opinions and forward looking statements expressed are subject to change without notice.  This information does not constitute a solicitation or an offer to buy or sell any security.

 

"A Licking?!"

Jeffrey D. Saut, Chief Investment Strategist, (727) 567-2644, Jeffrey.Saut@RaymondJames.com May 31, 2018 Investment Strategy

In my misbegotten youth (1950s) there was a Timex wristwatch commercial featuring pitchman John Cameron Swayze, which went, “It takes a licking and keeps on ticking!” According to Pop History Dig: 

The Timex “torture test” advertising was also used in TV ads, a series made popular by celebrity newscaster John Cameron Swayze who hosted the spots.  A number of these ads also featured sports celebrities who doled out the tough treatment to the watches and/or supplied an endorsing statement.  Swayze also hosted non-celebrity Timex ads in which the watch would be subject to other trials — whether placed in a washing machine or attached to the bow of a speed boat (Timex).

Since the February 9, 2018’s “undercut low” the same can be said of the stock market, “It takes a licking and keeps on ticking.”  For sure, we identified that 2/9/18 “undercut low” and recommended recommitting some of the cash raise in January in anticipation of a February Flop.  Ever since then most of the oneday “wonder declines” have been followed by decent rallies; this week was no exception as Tuesday’s Tumble was followed by Wednesday’s Win!

The cause proxima for this week’s two-day two-step was mainly Italy, with a dose of Spain’s political troubles mixed into the equation.  As Tom Essaye writes in his daily must have “Sevens Report:”

First, for a bit of background, in March, during the last Italian general election, two “anti-establishment” parties, 5-Star Movement and the League, received the highest numbers of votes.  That caused some concern that if the two parties were able to form a functioning government, they might ultimately introduce a Brexit-style referendum to leave the EU.  Over the past few weeks, the League and 5-Star Movement (along with other smaller parties) have come close to reaching an agreement on forming a functioning government, and that raised “Italexit” fears last week.

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Morning Tack: "Breakouts Everywhere"

Jeffrey D. Saut, Chief Investment Strategist, (727) 567-2644, Jeffrey.Saut@RaymondJames.com

May 10, 2018

Investment Strategy

“Breakouts Everywhere” You’ve probably seen the cartoon where a woman comes home and finds her husband in with another woman?  The man looks up and says “No, I’m not cheating!” and follows that up with his favorite Groucho Marx line, “Who are you going to believe?  Me or your own eyes? (Groucho).”  We could say the same thing about investors over the past two weeks, “Who are you going to believe?  Me or your own eyes?” because there are upside breakouts everywhere in the stock charts.  We have been talking/writing about this for a few weeks and our pal Bob Pisani did a particularly good job of showing some breakouts right before our appearance on CNBC.  Shortly thereafter Bob wrote this:

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